Dual Ethnicity and Depressive Symptoms: Implications of Being Black and Latino in the United States ›


Dual Ethnicity and Depressive Symptoms: Implications of Being Black and Latino in the United States

This study investigated the expression of depressive symptoms in adolescents who are of Afro-Latino descent. Levels of expression of depressive symptoms were compared for four groups of adolescents in Grades 7 through 12 residing in the United States: European Americans, African Americans, Latinos, and Afro-Latinos. One hypothesis is that Afro-Latinos should exhibit higher levels of depressive symptoms than either African Americans or Latinos by virtue of being double minorities. An alternative hypothesis is that Afro-Latino youth will show lower levels of depressive symptomology because of their access to a broader repertoire of cultural resources when faced with stress and depression-inducing events. Results indicated that Afro-Latino females tended to exhibit higher levels of depressive symptoms than those of the other ethnic groups. Across all ethnic groups, adolescent females tended to show higher levels of depressive symptoms than adolescent males and older adolescents tended to show higher levels of depression than younger adolescents. 

(via wocinsolidarity)

Check Your Caste Privilege


By Sinthujan and Ram

The social, political, and economic arrangements of a society can place some people in a privileged position relative to others, particularly with respect to important goods, like institutional representation, economic resources, and even less tangible goods like “respect” and “welfare”. Since societal arrangements are not always brought into reflective awareness, it is unsurprising when even well meaning and well-intentioned members of privileged groups are unaware of how they may benefit from social arrangements relative to members of other groups. Many times have we experienced “upper-caste” Tamils unable and unwilling to recognize the privilege they hold vis-à-vis “lower-caste” Tamils in Sri Lanka and beyond. Sometimes they may well be aware of some of the difficulties faced by oppressed caste members. Sometimes they may even work for the betterment of other communities in the island, but this hardly ever translates into wider acknowledgment of the privilege centred around their “upper-caste” Tamil identity.

The denial of these privileges is widespread. Often we find “upper-caste” people relativising the inequalities felt by deprived caste Tamils, deflecting the undercurrent of casteism that produces systemic and sociocultural inequalities which continue to haunt the island its diasporas.

This list attempts to highlight some of the privileges provided to “upper-caste” Tamils in Sri Lanka and beyond just because they are, yes, Tamils of “upper-caste” origin. Noting these privileges are not meant to antagonize or alienate people of privileged caste origin but rather raise awareness and self-consciousness about how caste identities indeed do play a role in the way they perceive, interact, and ultimately, politicize minorities on the island as well as its diasporas. It is also meant to show the extensive ways that caste identities can track inequalities in opportunity and welfare within a society and displacement. With this compilation we hope to ignite meaningful conversations and introspections into what it means to be a Tamil of “upper-caste” origin and ultimately what it means to not be of “upper-caste” origin in Sri Lanka and beyond.

Caste Privilege 

1) You don’t have to ever acknowledge your caste identity and its attendant privileges.

2) You can think that the invisibility of your caste identity speaks to the erasure of caste as a relevant social system of organisation and segregation.

3) You can think that not being aware of your caste stems from progressive education.

4) You think that not speaking about caste is an act against the caste system, and you do so without having to consider that silencing caste makes it more difficult to challenge the caste system and easier to recode, invisibilise and mainstream it.

5) You can talk about anti-casteism without ever having to name the social group that holds power and sway over every other caste group in the diasporas and homeland (here: Vellalar caste group).

6) You can think that to say that you are against caste already translates into social change.

7) You can claim that the caste system has become obliterate with time while simultaneously continuing to enjoy the fruits of century-old socially constructed inequalities and exclusion.

8) You are able to increasingly replace caste with class in your socio-economic analysis without acknowledging that the historic caste/class overlap, particularly in the homeland, continues through long-term structural effects to affect questions of access and opportunity even years, decades, and centuries later.

9) You can emphasise class over caste as a means to deflect from the importance of caste as a contemporary social marker.

10) You can deny the historic, contemporary, physical and social violence of casteism amongst island Tamils by pointing to the severity of the caste system in neighbouring India.

11) You can oversimplify by saying that “untouchability”, as understood in the Indian context, never existed in Sri Lanka, therefore caste injustices “can’t have been as bad as in India”(although “untouchability” still existed on the island).

12) You can reduce oppression, inequalities and injustices felt by the Tamil people to those committed by the Sri Lankan state. 

13) You can be progressive enough to talk about intersectionality with regards to race, ethnicity, gender, class and sexuality while erasing the question of caste from your analysis.

14) You can become an authority on caste without ever having to acknowledge your own privileged caste background and its resulting limits and subjectivities.

15) You can question the “objectivity” of oppressed caste members’ activism, research and work on caste issues based on their own membership in stigmatized caste groups.

Education and Employment

16) You can think of your parent’s aspiration for your (future) job to be completely isolated from the century old caste traditions and aspirations they grew up with.

17) You often have better support mechanisms to access and complete higher education based on the historic proximity of privileged caste members to educational institutions.

18) You can face little or less pressure to perform well or outperform others in education and employement based on your caste identity and history.

19) You can deny that caste discrimination in the employment sector continues to exist amongst Tamils, particularly amongst diasporic communities.

20) You can normalize the casteist organisation of society according to occupational practices.

Migration & Diaspora

20) You can denounce the importance of anti-caste activism in diaspora because apparently “caste doesn’t exist anymore”

21) You can overlook that migration meant for many (upper) caste-Tamils the loss of secular status by losing their inherital socioeconomic privileges on arrival in diaspora and ritual purity by having crossed the Indian Ocean.

22) You can overlook that migration meant for many deprived caste Tamils the relative liberation from caste stratified societies and socioeconomic as well as sociocultural diktats.

23) You can claim that patterns of migration from Sri Lanka had no caste linkage.

24) You can claim that the remittance economy that links diasporas and the homeland today does not reflect caste patterns and allegiances.

25) You can deny that the remittance economy further amplifies social divisions and inequalities between different caste groups in the homeland.

25) You can claim that all refugees experienced flight and integration the same without acknowledging how questions of caste and class altered or limited some people’s choices, opportunities, and adaptabilities.

26) You can deny that caste assumptions and prejudices are recreated and projected in the Tamil vernacular onto new diasporic geographies.

27) You can think of the question of “what’s your ‘ur’(home)?” as an uncritical and sentimental reflection of curiosity/nostalgia without having to consider the socioeconomically profiling/castefying as well as social violence that is hidden behind questions of geographic belonging in Sri Lanka.

Individual Histories & Memories

28) You don’t have to hide your personal biographies or rewrite your own personal history in order to circumvent the possibility of experiencing discrimination.

29) You don’t have to constantly fear for your web of lies and social buffers to be discovered and revealed.

30) You can challenge the reinvention and rewriting of identities and social histories of deprived caste members in diaspora as you consider your history as socially incontestable and free of social stigma.

31) You can proudly attest to your history without having to care about the social consequences.

32) You can publically remember and mourn your social position back home without ever having to acknowledge how your privileged caste background entitled and made you inherit your place in society.

33) You can remember your socioeconomic background without having to acknowledge how you benefited from caste inequalities, and how you were inherently embedded and complicit in the exploition of “lower caste groups”.

Society & Culture

34) You don’t have to fear discrimination amongst larger groups of Tamils based on your caste background.

35) You don’t have to acknowledge that caste is as deeply embedded in Tamil language as it is embodied within and by Tamil culture as a whole.

36) You can deny that negative caste assumptions and associations are made in regards to skin complexion.

37) You can deny that aesthetics, particularly regarding women, in the Tamil community are based on a history of casteification of body and mind.

38) You can disregard the ways caste shapes aesthetic ideals by pointing to European colonialism.

39) You have normalized the social violence that lies underneath everyday relations between different caste groups, including in the diasporas.

40) You can hide casteist mentalities by coding caste-based languages to hide caste attributions and judgements made in regards to social behaviourism.

40) You are quick to challenge any caste group that assumes to hold equal power to your own caste group (here: Vellalar caste group).

41) You can deny that your social surrounding is, with most likelihood, already caste gentrified.


42) Your religious identity isn’t challenged by Hinduism’s socially discriminatory practices.

43) You don’t have to question the extent of Brahmanism within Tamil Hindu culture and beliefs.

44) You can deflect from personal responsabilities in regards to caste-based inequalities by pointing to Brahmins as the gatekeeper of caste structures and hierarchies.

45) You can be quick to point to the lower secular status of Brahmins in regards to socioeconomic parameters in Sri Lanka (unlike India), without having to acknowledge that your secular superiority equals to greater responsibilities in regards to caste inequalities and violence.

46) You’re able to be religious without feeling the need to interrogate or critique Hinduism’s role in creating caste as a way organizing societies.

47) You can assume that anyone who converted to Christianity or another religion must be of deprived caste status.

48) You can say that discrimination in religious institutions have ceased to exist with the 1968 Temple Entry Movement. 

49) You can  locate discriminations in religious institution to Sri Lanka while being ignorant about the existence and importance of casteism in temples abroad. 


50) You can say that caste doesn’t matter in diaspora while the majority of intra-communal marriages continue to be along caste-based lines.

51) You can say you don’t believe or care for caste but have no remorse over your family arranging marriage proposals according to caste-based lines.

52) You can claim that matrimonial sites and outlets’ insistence on caste doesn’t reflect the reality of marriages to be engineered according to caste ideology.

53) You can think the absence of the usage of the word “jaati/saathi” indicates to the erosion of the importance of caste as an ideology.

Intercaste Marriages 

54) You can arbitrarily judge or force someone from an inter-caste marriage to decide between caste identities

55) You can assume someone’s caste identity based on prejudicial viewpoints

56) You don’t have to deal with the consequences of being unaccepted amongst both privileged and oppressed castes.

57) You can challenge someone from an inter-caste marriage on their “authenticity” if they choose to identify with one identity over the other.

58) You can live a life without negotiating identities and histories based on caste fault lines.

Writing of History

59) You don’t have to question the writing of history of the people because your presence won’t be unsettled or threatened by the current and dominant upper-caste narrative.

60) You are more comfortable in remembering anti-Tamil violence that affected the centres of upper-caste, (upper) middle class, urban life than those of deprived caste, low class and rural background.

61) You can be sure to encounter narratives and other forms of expression that reflect a similar experience as your’s/your family’s than one of caste-difference.

62) You can think the mainstream postcolonial history of Tamils in Sri Lanka vis-à-vis the Sinhalese’s national building project is reflective of the experience of all subgroups within the heterogenous Tamil community.


63) You can be certain that identity politics and politics of representation only matter in inter-ethnic relations, but not in intra-ethnic relations.

64) You can claim that we all suffered the same without acknowledging that deprived caste groups were disproportionally affected by war, violence, displacement and destitution.

65) You are quick to incorporate the injustices committed against Hill Tamils by the Sri Lankan state (i.e. 1949 Citizenship Act, Repatriation Act) into your narrative on oppression and genocide of Tamils of the island as a whole (yes, we concur IT IS a genocide), but fail to acknowledge the “upper-caste” “Ceylon Tamil’s” complicity in these legislations as well as forms of social ostracization and exclusion of Hill Tamils based on the social parameter of caste.

66) Some of you may acknowledge the preferential role and benefits enjoyed by the Tamil “upper-caste” society during British colonialism, but fail to acknowledge that not all Tamils were equally positioned during colonialism (and thereafter).

67) You can say that Tamil nationalism has successfully eradicated caste without ever attempting to enquire into the lived reality of deprived caste members today.

68) You can claim that the LTTE’s anti-caste politics were built upon a general social consensus instead of a socio-political and socio-economic diktat imposed upon society.

69) You can externalize the Hill Tamils on the national question (on the basis of caste) while failing to acknowledge their contribution to anti-Sri Lankan state resistance.

70) You can conveniently divorce the history of Tamil resistance from its origin in anti-caste resistance.

71) You can deny that caste politics continue to be part and parcel of electoral politics in the homeland.

72) You can blame deprived caste members for, at times, deviating from the popular Tamil vote without acknowledging the common disregard most Tamil political parties have for deprived castes and their concerns.

73) You can call the TNA the representatives of the Tamil people without ever having to acknowledge that the TNA represents the old boys club of highly educated “upper-caste”, (urban) men who have more often than not inherited their positions of power from an ancestry of privilege.

74) You can be suspicious of the formation of caste allegiances and parties based on caste identity as it challenges the status quo of power relations.

75) You can be sure to find representation of your caste group in almost every meaningful and powerful avenue within the community.

76) You can easily deny that diasporic Tamil political organisations are reflective of an “upper-caste” demographic majority in diaspora.

77) You can deny that the caste background of representatives’of Tamil political organisations has an impact on the political and social position these political institutions take.

78) You think school alumni groups and village groups in diaspora aren’t drawing back on caste identities.

79) You can conveniently deprioritise caste as a social issue that needs less attention than does the national question.

80) You can accuse anyone who raises the question of caste as being a Sri Lankan state or Indian state stooge, thereby making them social and political outcasts.

Latinos and Mass Incarceration: The Dust Under the Rug


Latino leaders must begin leveraging their power to speak out against widespread imprisonment

It is 2013, over 40 years after President Nixon launched the War on Drugs in response to conservative demands for “law and order” in the post-Civil Rights era. Every president since has intensified the government’s war efforts, enlisting Congress, the judiciary, and local law enforcement as loyal foot soldiers in ostensibly ridding America’s streets of the drug problem. The result has been a consortium of laws to grease the wheels of a giant, militarized police apparatus that has swelled the prison population from 300,000 in the early 1980’s to nearly two and a half million now—a phenomena that can be explained almost entirely by decades of escalated policing, rather than an actual increase in crime (it actually decreased).

The most disturbing feature of this trend, activists have long said, is that those most targeted for arrest and harsh sentencing are African-Americans and Latinos. Law professor and civil rights activist Michelle Alexander has gone as far alleging that the mass incarceration of black Americans is tantamount to a contemporary manifestation of Jim Crow—a method of racial control far more subtle than its predecessor. She isn’t the only black leader to condemn pervasive imprisonment resulting from draconian drug laws—voices as mainstream as Oprah and Will.I.Am have also taken to public channels to protest the merciless aggression with which the criminal justice system has decimated families and communities.

CREDIT: Bob Jagendorf/Flickr

CREDIT: Bob Jagendorf/Flickr

Yet while a number of influential African-Americans have spoken out vehemently against mass incarceration, Latino leaders have proven inept at mirroring this outrage. Overall, our leaders have failed to take a bold stance on policies that have wrought unspeakable damage upon our people, and this failure may be indicative of a deep crisis of identity within our community.

It is not as if we lack adequate information. Although the terrain of data on imprisoned Latinos is harder to traverse than other groups because of its often incomplete, ambiguous nature (owing the confused designation of “Hispanic” as an ethnicity rather than a race), the numbers that we do have are revealing in their own right: as of 2012, Latino men were incarcerated at a rate nearly 40% higher than whites (1,822 per 100,000 compared to 708 per 100,000). In all, one in three persons held in federal prisons is Latino, and Latinos are four times as likely as whites to end up in prison.

To truly observe the racially biased nature of unequal incarceration, however, one must examine drug-specific arrests. Owing to the incomplete nature of such statistics at a national level, we can use select metropolitan data as proxies for understanding broader phenomena.

In New York City, Latinos are arrested nearly four times as often as whites for drug possession, even though government records consistently indicate that whites are more likely than any other racial or ethnic group to use and sell drugs. In California, Latinos were disproportionately represented in drug arrests in all cities within Los Angeles and Orange County, along with fifteen other major cities. In Alhambra, a city with a population of 85,949, Latinos made up only 35.5% of the population but 74.6% of marijuana arrests. Given the macro forces that undergird these figures, one can intuit that these arrests are happening by extension on a national scale.

For a person with a felony conviction, the consequences of incarceration extend far beyond time spent in prison. Reduced to second class citizenship because of the black mark on their record, a former prisoner is left alone to navigate a world in which gaining employment, housing, financial aid for higher education, and other benefits is significantly more difficult if not impossible. These effects ripple out to soil the person’s family’s lives as well, and, if he or she has children, potentially enforcing the cycle of imprisonment and disenfranchisement for a new generation.

Despite all the suffering wrought by the War on Drugs on Latino communities, Latino leaders seem as if they’d rather sweep the issue—and those most affected by it—under the rug, out of sight and the way of their efforts to acclimate into elite American society.

A review of Latino Leader Magazine’s 101 most influential Latinos of 2013 features mostly pale visages posing in front of American flags or underneath the flattering glow of studio lighting.


One would imagine that these leaders, most with palpable European heritage, likely look much different from the average Latino inmate, who we know anecdotally tend to possess more indigenous features. Perhaps this ethnic variation, and the historically rooted idea of superiority that accompanies it, partially explains the disconnect between the Latino elite and the imprisonment issue within our community. This may also account for why contemporary Latinos in positions of power are notoriously more conservative on social and economic issues than African-American leaders. An uncertain sense of identity may be advantageous for someone hoping to chameleon his or her way up the social hierarchy, but it is supremely detrimental for shoring up a sense solidarity with our most vulnerable brethren.

The old adage of a chain only being as strong as its weakest link should resonate loudly with Latino leaders. Mass incarceration hinders the potential of millions and destroys the precious familial bonds on which we have traditionally prided ourselves. If our community’s leaders are going to shirk their responsibilities in advocating for the most aggrieved among us, then perhaps our communal ties are more precarious than we would like to admit.


Aaron Cantú is a Brooklyn-based journalist @alternet @truthout @thenation. A “revolutionary generalist” who focuses mostly on drug law, criminal justice, and [misc], you can follow Aaron on Twitter @aaronmiguel_ or visit his site: aaronmiguel.com.

via LatinoRebels.com http://ift.tt/1aEdT9P


Mayra Santos-Febres  is a renowned Puerto Rican author, poet, novelist, professor of literature, and literary critic.

Many of Febres’ work revolves around race, identity, social status, and political status in modern Caribbean society. She completed her undergraduate work at the University of Puerto Rico and holds an M.A. and Ph.D. from Cornell University. Febres’  work has been translated into French, English, German, and Italian, and is taught in many universities in the United States.

Pictured above is the English translations of her most famous novels, which can be purchased in the following links:

Sirena Selena

Urban Oracles

Any Wednesday I’m Yours

(via thisisnotlatinx)


15 good reads/re-reads in 2013. I read fewer books in 2013 (22) than in 2012 (58), but that’s because I definitely wrote 4x the amount in 2013 versus 2012 and read about 3x more articles, essays and papers in 2013 than 2012. These 15 above were good reads though. Some are re-reads because honestly, each time I read a book it’s new. I’m rarely the same person picking it up for the second, third or fourth time. It’s like a familiar destination but how I interpret the terrain changes and the journey is altered a bit.

Below are links (courtesy of readabookson's blog) to download many of them; the ones I couldn't find I just added an Amazon link though you can check your local Black-owned bookstore as well, if you have one in your area.

  1. In Search of Our Mothers’ Gardens: Womanist Prose by Alice Walker - Alice Walker
  2. The Womanist Reader - Layli Phillips
  3. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness and The Politics of Empowerment - Patricia Hill Collins
  4. Blues Legacies and Black Feminism: Gertrude “Ma” Rainey, Bessie Smith and Billie Holiday - Angela Y. Davis 
  5. Sister Outsider - Essays and Speeches by Audre Lorde - Audre Lorde
  6. Pedagogy of The Oppressed - Paulo Freire
  7. Are Prisons Obsolete? - Angela Y. Davis
  8. Assata: An Autobiography - Assata Shakur
  9. Black Looks: Race and Representation - bell hooks 
  10. The Cross of the Redemption: Uncollected Writings - James Baldwin
  11. Black Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender and The New Racism - Patricia Hill Collins 
  12. Sisters of The Yam: Black Women and Self-Recovery - bell hooks 
  13. Mom & Me & Mom - Maya Angelou
  14. Double Stitch: Black Women Write About Mothers and Daughters - compilation
  15. The Same River Twice: Honoring The Difficult - Alice Walker

I have a long reading list planned for next year, (which I will try to pin to Pinterest again like I did for ‘12-‘13), but my list is always longer than I can actually accomplish. I guess that’s what makes it great; the idea that you can never really finish, that it’s about the quality of what you read more than the quantity, it’s about how you apply it, and some things need to be read over a lifetime, again and again, even as ideas continue to evolve and build on previous foundations. 

(via stfuwhiteliberals)

In the iconic automobile industry, which had become the new growth hormone for the whole economy, US plants were producing over 80 percent of all the cars made in the world by the end of the 1920s (not even counting the cars made by American multinational auto manufacturers in Canada and Europe)… The price of a car had fallen by over three-quarters in the two decades after 1909, and this opened the way to mass consumption of a kind not yet seen anywhere else in the world. At the end of the 1920s there were close to 30 million cars in the US, and the number of drive-in gas stations had increased from 12,000 in 1921 to 143,000 by 1929. By this point, one in five Americans owned a car, and 60 percent of these cars were bought on credit. In 1927, Edwin Seligman’s The Economics of Installment Selling captured the ethos of Fordism in the new mass consumer age. He extolled credit-based marketing for not only increasing spending but ensuring that a “family with car payments to make would be forced to work hard to make the payments.” The overall explosion in demand for consumer durables also transformed the retail sector with the aid of a massive advertising industry, whose expenditures at the end of the 1920s were five times what they had been before World War I.

Sam Gindin and Leo Panitch, The Making of Global Capitalism

This is why a car is necessary for most Americans to do any sort of basic living (shopping, getting to work, leisure, etc). Not only are they heavily profitable for numerous industries, they also make most Americans  indebted to a bank in some way, ensuring they’re less likely to go on strike and disrupt labour relations. Today, this technique has evolved into the mass student and mortgage debt we have.

(via antoine-roquentin)

(via mama-panther-deactivated2014010)


She Has a Name

Kamilah Aisha Moon

ISBN 1935536346

With unrelenting yet tender honesty, She Has a Name tells the story of a young woman with autism from multiple points of view. The speakers in these poems sisters, mother, father, teacher seek to answer questions science can’t yet answer, seek to protect the young woman, and seek to understand what autism means to their own lives as well.

(via wocinsolidarity)

5 MORE Must-See Native Films From 2013 ›


A look at some Native movies that haven’t been widely publicized but are worth seeing, if you can find them.

(via gardant)

Read This Week


This is my 72nd Read This Week feature! If you’re new to Gradient Lair, (just about) each week I post essays, articles and/or journal articles and papers of interest to me that I think will be of interest to you, based on your interest in my blog. 

Check these out:

The Politics of Black Superwomanly Otherness by @Pundit_AcadEMIC is good. She writes: “Black superwomanly otherness is a performance of strength, and a costly one for that matter.  We bottle everything up as we struggle silently like we are told and eventually the pain, hurt, frustration, and anger that is bottled up is consumed by us and leading to more pain.” 

great piece by @redlightvoices summarizes how some White feminists are trying to destroy the word intersectionality because they refuse to learn the concept and want to devalue Black epistemology, as it does not center Whiteness. Through this devaluation, they harm Black women/women of colour and proliferate White supremacy. And she has the receipts in this post! Their tweets, quotes and all.  

Eve Didn’t Exist. Can We Move On? by @FeministaJones is an older essay from 2012 and an incredible read. I’m not a Christian or even a theist but I didn’t read this as a bible bashing piece. It’s not. It’s simply brilliant, highly critical literary analysis of many of the metaphors in “the garden of eden” story that are taken for granted and on a superficial level and used to proliferate misogyny today. It’s impeccably written. 

Recent Plantation History and the Modern Plantation Economy by @PhuzzieSlippers of Still Furious and Still Brave is really good. He wrote about his own family history of sharecropping and how its connection to enslavement is not some ancient thing. In fact, he’s of the first generation of his family not to sharecrop in Mississippi and he’s only in his 20s. This analysis matters greatly in light of Ani DiFranco’s plantation stunt. He also wrote about how profit is still made off of the remnants of slavery.

Stay tuned for next week’s suggestions! 

furyofthegods asked: Hey there. Sorry to interrupt whatever you were doing. But could you maybe post or recommend some areas one could look up the African (Black African) influence in Puerto Rico. When dealing with Caribbean Blackness we tend to get left out, and while its probably the least influential in my families ancestries I still find it an important aspect of what it means to be Puerto Rican. Id like to read up and uncover some more info about it. Thanks !


Note: For future asks like these check the “recommended readings” page first and the tags, I have posted about the African influence in about every Hispanophone country at this juncture. 

While I disagree that you “tend to get left out” there’s the suggested readings page: http://diasporadash.tumblr.com/reading

Also search the tags for this blog: boricua, puerto rico, afroboricua, boriken, afropuerto rican, puerto rican etc. 

Here’s a recent post: http://diasporadash.tumblr.com/post/71115123758/puerto-rico-sees-increase-in-blacks-american-indians

And WOOOF you want AfroPuerto RIcan sources, there are TONS but here are must-read ones to start:

-“Tuntun de Pasa y Griferia” by Luis Pales Matos one of the earliest writings on the African presence in the Caribbean (I scored this book for a couple bucks in San Juan, a priceless prize)

-“Down These Mean Streets” by Piri Thomas 

-“The AfroLatino Reader” has a lot on AfroPuerto Ricans, the editors, Miriam and Juan (I love them), of the book are Afrodescendant and are executive directors of the AfroLatino Forum, also a great org/website to check out, I am part of the organization and if you are in NYC, we put on programming that speaks to the AfroLatino/AfroDiasporic experiences. Our 2nd conference will be October 2014. Subscribe for updates

-Women Warriors of the AfroLatina Diaspora

Africa and Afrodescendant spirituality is big in Puerto Rican music:

Ismael Rivera - Las Caras Lindas de mi gente Negra 

Willie Colon

Hector Lavoe

Tite Curet 

OMG this post will be too damn long…

Even just google search: “Loiza” “bomba” “plena” 

This is a great fb page to follow: Puerto Rico Historic Building Drawings Society

My series also features Puerto Ricans talking about their identity and AfroLatinidad: www.NegroDocumentary.com  this is the youtube page: https://www.youtube.com/user/InADashMedia

I’ll even list the specific ones:

NEGRO: Finding Identity - Rosa

NEGRO: Finding Identity - Ryan

Negro: Finding Identity-Conversation with an Ethnographer

Negro: Finding Identity- Ignacio

NEGRO: A docu-series about Latino Identity 14 min Preview of DVD

Negro: “Why Identify as ‘AfroLatino’?

There is A LOT of materials out there on this topic so you’re in luck!